Week 3 - Section 2 Group Presentation

Hoang Phuong Vy Nguyen, Jocelyn Centeno, Chouatong Mouavangsou

Professor Caroline Kieu-Linh Valverde

TA: Kaozong Mouavangsou

ASA 02

April 14, 2017

Week 3 Section 2 Group Presentation

Model Minority, Tiger Mom, Affirmative Action, and New Debates in Higher Education

Generally, Asian Americans have been found to be seek higher education more than other racial groups. Some may argue that it is heavily due to their Tiger Moms, while others believe they benefited from affirmative action. OiYan Poon and Ajani Byd explains that while parents do play a major role in Asian Americans' college choice processes, other factors also come into play. Nancy Chung Allred clarifies that not all ethnic groups support affirmative action, and such viewpoint is the reason why no one questions the power and presence of the white majority in this subject matter.

In this essay, we seek to challenge the impact Tiger Moms have on their children's college choice experiences, shine light on the unique position Asian Americans occupy in the debate over affirmative action, and deconstruct the model minority myth, in hopes of bringing forth structural forces such as white privilege that are invisible yet still very prevalent at all levels of American life.

Beyond Tiger Mom Anxiety: Ethnic, Gender and Generational Differences in Asian American College Access and Choices surveys 1.5 and 2nd generation Asian American college students on what were the main influencers were in pursuing their postsecondary schooling. This study debunks the idea of the tiger parent which is a stereotypical phenomenon that mainstream media has described as the overbearing parent of Asian American students. The results of the survey showed that 52.3% of the participants said their parents were the most influential people to aid in decision making process (Poon, 2013, p. 26). Despite such a high percentage, Asian parents are not the only factor students consider. In fact differences in ethnicity and socioeconomic status of Asian Americans can impact their choice to even attend college (Poon, 2013, p. 24). Generally, Asian Americans select a college based on “[the] institution’s academic reputation, family approval, affordability, and [their] career plan.” (Poon, 2013, p. 26). The results of the survey show that family attitudes of education do affect one’s decision, but often many parents of Asian American students do not know the process of applying for college (Poon 2013, p. 27). Their limited knowledge can make it difficult for their children to get the information they need for applying for college (Poon, 2013, p. 27).

As a second generation Southeast Asian American woman some of my experience are similar to those in the survey and to the those I know in my life. My family’s attitude towards education was that going to a prestigious college would fast track you to a better life. You would have a better job making much more money than others who did not attend college. Of course I had the same views, but deciding which university to attend was still my own to make my parents opinions were not the only component to my choice. My guidance counselor and older sister were two major support systems that helped me decide what schools interested me and they also guided me through the admissions process. Similarly, my mother had the same experience although she attended a community college. Her main influencers were not her parents but  were one of her teachers and her guidance counselor. Her parents barely spoke english and had limited knowledge of the college admission process. This occurrence happens with many Asian American families especially Southeast Asian families who have “the lowest rates of bachelor’s degree attainment” (Poon, 2013). It affected her attitudes on education and if her decision on attending any postsecondary schooling.

Through the choice process of selecting a university I considered 3 factors. Financial aid packages were the first factor that I considered before deciding on a university. How I was going to finance my college education was the main influence, so whichever college offered me the best financial aid had much more importance than other schools. The second factor I considered was the reputation of the institution in the major I was interested in. I considered what the programs I could gain the most experience from and connections that would be beneficial when I become part of the work force. The third factor that motivated me to enroll in this particular school was the distance from my hometown. The distance was not very far, but far enough that my parents would not hover over me. I felt that I needed the comfort that my family could drive a few hours to see me if an emergency were to occur. My parents opinions was the motivator of me going to college, but when it came down to choosing schools, I made my own decisions.

Choosing a college is one thing, but getting admitted to one is another. To an extent, affirmative action programs favor Asian Americans, but this race-conscious program is still quite flawed and not everyone in the population supports it. This is evident in the case of Regents of University of California v. Bakke. When Allan Bakke, a white male, filed a lawsuit lawsuit against UC Davis' Medical School’s “special admissions program" (Allred, 2007, p. 68), it revealed the existence of a racial quota and how it, in Bakke's opinion, favored other races over White. A university's use of racial quotas in its admission process is unconstitutional, so quotas affect all races, not just that of white. This is evident in a recent scandal involving an Asian American and Ivy League universities. Michael Wang, a prodigy who graduated with a 4.67 GPA and sang at Barack Obama's 2008 inauguration (Jackson, 2015, para 7-8) was rejected from six Ivy League schools. He wrote to the schools asking why less qualified applicants received better offers, and filed a complaint to the Department of Education about the “use of racial quotas [at the Ivies] to admit students to the detriment of more qualified Asian-American applicants" (Jackson, 2015, para 6).

Nevertheless, such unfair treatments does not mean one should immediately arrive to the thought of dismantling affirmative action. Instead, one must examine how structural factors such as white privilege have transformed affirmative action into a negative impact on Asian Americans. White privilege plays an invisible yet extremely role. In the context of higher education, it is shown through a college’s acceptance based on what Sara Harbeson termed as “tags" (Harberson, 2015, para 6). Harberson worked in admissions at the University of Pennsylvania and disclosed that admissions often depend on whether an application has a tag, and typically students with tags are recruited athletes, children of donors or children of alumnis. Given that “this system only extends the privilege to those already privileged” (Allred, 2007, p. 63), Asian American students rarely have these tags.

Another big concept Allred touched upon is the use of racial mascotting, particularly how opponents use Asian Americans as ‘mascots' to question the effectiveness of the program. Attackers proposed justifications like the stigmatization of minorities and the violation of the principle of colorblindness, which are both invalid arguments. Nonetheless, the most alarming assertion is how Asian Americans no longer need affirmative action because of their model minority status. Generally, Asian Americans seek higher education hoping this would provide greater return for their educational investment. Yet, this puts them in a position, often outside or isolated, from the black/white paradigm. African Americans may resent Asian Americans for their perceived success, and whites are not too eager to accept the perpetual foreigners who have filled ‘their' spots either. Therefore, the model minority has shifted into something uglier as Asian American students are now cast as the ‘contemporary Yellow Peril’ for the very thing that was supposed to help them achieve the American Dream. Thus, by presenting Asian Americans as mascots and upholding the model minority designation, the white majority are enabled to bolster their credibility while maintaining their invisibility.

All in all, in order to comprehend the experiences of Asian American and their pursuit for higher education, we must challenge mainstream narratives, and truly question structural factors that led to such outcome. The Tiger Mom phenomenon is not always the answer, and so is the concept of being a model minority. Buying into such views will discard ethnic differences and struggles. Thus, allowing white privilege to shove us into a monoethnic mascot uniform, and let us dismantle the only program that has attempted to help us advance in society. Although it is ambiguous as to whether affirmative action programs benefit or discriminate against Asian Americans, removing such programs will do more harm than good. Therefore, we must unify and work collectively to expose the invisible yet pervasive status of white privilege as it will be the only way we put an end to the disadvantages we have faced and will continue to encounter in the future.

References:

Allred, N. C. (2007). Asian Americans and Affirmative Action: From Yellow Peril to Model

Minority and Back Again. Asian Am. LJ, 14, 57-84.

Harberson, S. (2015, June 9). The truth about 'holistic' college admissions. Retrieved from

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-harberson-asian-american-admission-rates-20150609-story.html

Jackson, A. (2015, June 01). A perfect ACT score couldn't get this student into Yale, Princeton, or Stanford, and he says it's because he's Asian-American. Retrieved from

http://www.businessinsider.com/michael-wang-says-ivy-league-discriminates-against-asians-2015-5

Poon, O., & Byrd, A. (2013). Beyond Tiger Mom Anxiety: Ethnic, Gender and Generational

Differences in Asian American College Access and Choices. Journal of College Admission. 23-31.